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What's wrong with the concept of cognitive development in studies of bilingualism
by Mitsunori Takakuwa
Mitsunori Takakuwa (*)
What is cognitive development in the studies of bilingualism? The belief widely held up to the 1960s that bilingualism had only negative effects on children's cognitive development, as measured by I.Q. has been challenged. It is now believed that bilingualism has a positive effect on children's cognitive development (e.g., Bialystok 1938; Day and Shapson 1996; Palij and Homel 1987). However, the area to which the term cognitive development refers is broad and vague. An examination of the literature suggests that the study of bilingualism has only shown that bilingualism may have a positive effect on children's metalinguistic awareness, which is a kind of cognitive development. This paper examines critically what is meant by cognitive development in the studies of bilingualism, and points out methodological problems and limitations of findings by some often-cited studies in the literature.
From the nineteenth century to the 1960s, bilingualism was regarded as having a harmful effect on cognitive development (Ausubel, Sullivan, and Ives 1980; Darcy 1953). Bilingualism was said to hamper children's development of intelligence and to lead children to psychological confusion (Laurie 1890; Saer 1923; Smith 1923). The findings of such studies opposed bilingualism by showing that bilingual children scored lower on measures of verbal intelligence than monolingual children, although there was no difference between the two groups on measures of nonverbal intelligence.
Peal and Lambert's (1962) study is often considered to be a turning point in how bilingualism is viewed in the sense that, after their study, bilingualism became recognized as having a cognitive advantage (Palij and Homel 1987). By studying ten-year-olds from French schools in Montreal, Canada, Peal and Lambert (1962) found that the bilingual group scored higher than the monolingual group on 15 out of 18 measures of intelligence, whereas there was no difference between the two groups on the other 3 measures. The bilingual group scored higher than the monolingual group on measures of both verbal and nonverbal intelligence.
In 1962, Peal and Lambert published the results of a study comparing bilingual and monolingual children on various measures of intelligence and achievement. Their findings were surprising, at least in light of certain assumptions that had been prevalent in child psychology up to that time. They found no evidence to indicate any sort of intellectual deficiency in bilingual children. The performance of bilinguals on all measures was either equivalent or superior to that of their monolingual comparison group. These results were in clear contradiction to a belief that had come to be accepted as truism by psychologists and laymen alike, especially in North America: The acquisition of two languages in childhood. impairs intellectual development -- it leads to mental confusion or difficulties in coordinating language and thought in children. The results obtained by Peal and Lambert suggested that there are no detrimental effects of bilingualism, and there may even be some cognitive advantages.
Peal and Lambert's study had a major impact on at least two aspects of childhood bilingualism. First, it sparked a renewed interest in the study of childhood bilingualism among psychologists and educators. Second (and perhaps even more important), it provided one of the major justifications for the establishment of bilingual education programs during the late 1960s and early 1970s, especially in Canada and the United States. The number'of studies dealing with childhood bilingualism increased dramatically throughout the rest of the 1960s and 1970s. Most of this research concentrated on cognitive development, basically replicating the results of Peal and Lambert either with different measures of cognitive performance or with different samples of bilingual children. A few studies looked at the social and personal aspects of growing up with two languages. Yet another set of studies considered the social phenomena closely related to bilingualism -- biculturalism and bidialectism -- and the role they play in the development of the child. By 1982, research into childhood bilingualism had proliferated to such an extent that a major effort was necessary to bring together the available data on childhood bilingualism and provide some theoretical framework within which to understand them. On June 21-22, 1982, a study group was held at New York University entitled "Childhood Bilingualism: Aspects of Cognitive, Social, and Emotional Development." Sponsored under the auspices of the Society for Research in Child Development and organized by Peter Homel and Michael Palij with the help of Doris Aaronson, the aims of this study group were (a) to summarize the current work on bilingualism and make it accessible to mainstream developmental psychologists; and (b) to provide researchers in both the bilingual and the monolingual research areas an opportunity to develop an integrated model of the developmental processes operating in the bilingual child. The structure of the study group was specifically designed to achieve these ends. Researchers in bilingualism from a number of disciplines, including psychology, education, and linguistics, were invited to deliver papers reviewing specific aspects of childhood bilingualism. The papers were organized into sections covering the following areas of interest: language acquisition, cognitive development, social and emotional development, and the relationship of biculturalism and bidialectism to bilingualism. Each section also included a "monolingual" discussant -- a researcher in the particular area (e.g., language acquisition) whose own work had been done primarily with monolingual children. This structure encouraged discussion and dialogue not only among scientists from various areas of bilingual research, but also between bilingual and monolingual researchers looking at similar aspects of child development. It was not the purpose of the conference to evaluate existing governmental policies about bilingual education nor to make recommendations for changing such policies. Rather, the conference was intended to provide an impartial summary and synthesis of the research in childhood bilingualism and bilingualism's effect on development. Ultimately, however, it was hoped that providing such a compilation of information about childhood bilingualism would prove to be of benefit to those involved making policy decisions concerning bilingualism and bilingual education.
The present volume is the end result of the SRCD study group on childhood bilingualism. It is intended as something more than a record of the proceedings of papers and presentations given during the two days during which the study group met. In preparing their manuscripts for this book, the original participants in the study group were encouraged to revise their original presentations in light of comments or discussions that arose during the course of the study group, as well as to address points of convergence or divergence they saw between their own presentations and those of the others. The result is a far greater degree of integration among the various papers than would have been possible in a proceedings-type volume.The book is divided into several topic areas: (a) language acquisition and processing; (b) cognitive functioning, style, and development; (c) social and emotional development; and (d) bidialectism and bilingualism. Following the structure of the conference (at which most of these papers were originally presented), each topic area has two or three chapters written by researchers in bilingualism and a discussion chapter by a researcher whose main work has been in a monolingual context. The following is a brief overview of these chapters
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